But Washington and Ankara are still bitterly at odds over USA support for the Kurdish Peoples' Protection Units (YPG), a faction that the Pentagon sees as a vital ally against the Islamic State group in Syria but that Turkey brands a front for the banned Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK.
The issue was left over from the Obama administration.
Michael Rubin, a resident scholar on the Middle East at the American Enterprise Institute, predicted Erdogan will threaten to deny the United States access to Incirlik in an attempt to pressure Trump to scale back the American partnership with the YPG.
The decision, which the president no doubt has also been pondering since taking office, if not before, has now been made.
The Turkish prime minister called it "unacceptable", and the foreign minister branded it "a threat". Erdogan has since openly called for Zarrab's release. Last week, he said he hopes Trump's "mistake" of arming the Kurds will be "reversed immediately".
However, Mr McMaster said Mr Trump "wasn't even aware of where this information came from" at the time of the meeting with Russian officials.
USA military officials view the Kurds there as key in the fight against ISIS, but the Turkish government argues they're terrorists.
Blaming Mr. Obama could be just the right tack to take with his successor.
Erdogan believes Gulen was behind a failed military coup in July last year, but the U.S. has said there is not enough evidence to send the 76-year-old Muslim cleric back to Turkey. President Trump should also pledge to increase humanitarian assistance to support refugees already living in Turkey and any new ones who arrive. After a national referendum last month that strengthened Erdogan's presidential powers, European leaders and rights advocates criticized Turkey for moving closer toward autocratic rule.
This presumably lowered hackles in Ankara. The new arms will help the rebels withstand intense urban and guerrilla warfare they expect to encounter from several thousand Islamic State fighters holed up in Raqqa.
But Ankara considers the YPG to be the Syrian branch of the PKK, and was increasingly unhappy about the swathes of territory coming under YPG control. Your most capable ground partners for the United States are the Syrian Kurds, but those Syrian Kurds are linked to Turkish Kurds who are now fighting an insurgency inside of southeast Turkey. The U.S., whose forces are sometimes embedded with the Kurds, has much to fear.
"There is a huge question mark over which way the relationship is going to go", he said.
While it looks like an either/or proposition - either the Turks or the Kurds - it may not have to be.
The US wants to inflict a double defeat on Isis by capturing both Raqqa and Mosul in Iraq over the next few months.
The air base, however, has been a flashpoint for Turkish-U.S. relations. On April 25, Turkish warplanes bombed Kurdish militia bases in Syria and Iraq, killing at least 20 fighters. I wish I could be a fly on the wall to predict the discussions inside the White House, but my instinct tells me that whatever is spoken inside will be dictated by a force outside Washington - the Kremlin.
Erdogan and Trump are scheduled to give joint press statements after talks at the White House, a platform that will allow the Turkish leader to demonstrate to supporters at home and critics overseas that his referendum win has the support of the leader of his most powerful North Atlantic Treaty Organisation ally.